Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 10 – Older Tatars,
who until two decades ago, were the defining face of Islam in Moscow are now retreating
to self-organized prayer rooms to avoid having to interact with the far more
numerous Muslim migrant communities from Central Asia and the Caucasus and from
having religious services conducted in Russian rather than Tatar.
That is just one of the findings of
a new study of how various parts of the Muslim community in the Russian capital
are adapting to the city and to each other that has been prepared by
ethnologist Dmitry Oparin, and historian Marat Safarov of Moscow State
University (gazeta.ru/comments/2014/10/02_a_6245221.shtml).
Until the late 1980s, Tatar Moscow
and Muslim Moscow were coterminous, and other Muslims who came to the city
adapted to the Tatars and their dominance of the city’s only mosque at that
time. But in the 1990s, Muslims from the Caucasus, and then in the 2000s,
Muslims from Central Asia flooded the capital and changed the situation “radically.”
The numerical dominance of these groups
was exacerbated by the demographic decline of the Tatars themselves. Most Moscow
Tatars at that time were Mishars from predominantly ethnic Russian regions,
were assimilated, and had very few children. Moreover, immigration from these
areas by the 1980s had largely dried up.
To the dismay of the Moscow Tatars,
the shifting ethnic and linguistic balance of the Muslim community in Moscow
has meant that “ever more often” homilies are in Russian, with Tatar and Arabic
used in a supporting role, even though in the four main mosques of Moscow,
Tatars dominate the religious leadership.
(The exception is the Otradnoye
mosque which is de facto an Azerbaijani facility and which was not the focus of
the research the two scholars conducted.)
“Moscow Tatars,” the two say, are “an
integrated and urbanized population who despite their faith view migrants
through the eyes of an average Muscovite. Not through the eyes of a Muslim but
through the eyes of someone whose life has changed in connection with
migration,” and many of them, especially the older ones, don’t like what they
see.
But among younger Tatars, “those who
do not remember the mono-ethnic Muslim space of Moscow,” there is a different
reaction. Many of them insist that “all
Muslims are brothers” and often accept some of the values, religious beliefs, languages,
and personal and more assertive behaviors of the immigrants. That sets them at
odds with their own elders.
Russian is increasingly the language
of all these groups, but as Moscow Muslims make this shift and are aided in it
by imams and mullahs, what is emerging is “a unique Russian Muslim language,
very interesting and absolutely eclectic which takes something from the translations
of the Koran into Russian and something from the Bible.”
The spread of this language is
offensive to many older Tatars who are responding by absenting themselves from the
mosques and forming their own prayer rooms at home, an intriguing reemergence of
a Soviet era pattern when such places were often the only place where Muslims
could practice their religion without state interference.
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