Paul
Goble
Staunton, October 8 – Russian President
Vladimir Putin is scheduled to visit Cheboksary, the capital of Chuvashia,
tomorrow. In advance of his arrival, local officials have linguistically “cleansed”
the streets along which he will pass removing those which were in Chuvash and
leaving only those in Russian.
This violation of both the Russian
law on languages and the Chuvash constitution was undoubtedly undertaken by officials
in Chuvashia who fear the recent push in that republic for signs in Chuvash has
gone to the point that it might attract the unwelcome attention of the Kremlin
leader (irekle.org/news/i1948.html and pertanlah.livejournal.com/214188.html).
Chuvashia, a
1.2 million strong Christian Turkic republic, gets relatively little attention
compared to that given to the two Muslim republics of the Middle Volga region,
Tatarstan and Bashkortostan, and the three Finno-Ugric ones, Mordovia, Mari El,
and Udmurtia, but like them, it has become increasingly politically active over
the last year.
If Tatarstan
has resumed its role as the chief advocate of real federalism in the Russian
Federation and Chuvashia has become the leader in promoting its national
language, most famously by giving stickers to businesses identifying them as
places where Chuvash is spoken, much is going on in the other republics of a
region known historically as Idel-Ural.
The situation
among the Mordvins is particularly interesting now. In a commentary on NR2.com.ua this week, Oleg
Shro says that Russian chauvinist attitudes are generating a backlash in
Mordvinia, prompting some to adopt increasingly nationalistic positions (nr2.com.ua/column/Oleg_Shro/Fundament-mordovskogo-nacionalizma-81635.html).
In Soviet times, there were
occasions when officials refused to enter “Mordvin” in the nationality line
because they said “there is no such nation.”
Now, Shro reports, officials are inclined to say to the Russian-speaking
Mordvins: “You are an ethnic Russian with a knowledge of the Mordvin language.” It isn’t clear how much of an advance that
is.
On the one hand, the Mordvins
themselves are divided into two basic subgroups, the Erzya and Moksha, two
closely related but not fully mutually intelligence linguistic communities. But
on the other, the Mordvins are very conscious of their ties to other groups in the
Middle Volga. A popular saying is “Mordvins-Chuvashes are our people.”
Shro says that even a superficial examination
of the Mordvin nation should lead to two major conclusions: On the one hand, it
is a nation with a long and proud history that has made a significant
contribution to the Russian state. Consequently, its members “do not deserve”
the sarcastic attitudes they often are subjected to by Russians.
And on the other, Russians should
recognize at a time when the future of the Russian Federation is very much at
question that groups like the Mordvins are their allies rather than their
opponents. The Mordvins support an ethnic Russian republic as a way forward
toward the formation of a multi-ethnic Volga
Federation.
Such an entity could serve
as a counterweight to an ethnic territory within a revamped Russian Federation
or serve as a way station toward the independence of both.
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