Staunton, February 4 – Many in the
West fear that providing military assistance to Ukraine would open the way for
disasters ranging from the potential loss of an American helicopter as happened
in Somalia to a possible nuclear exchange between Russia and the West as
Vladimir Putin has threatened.
But such arguments, as emotionally
compelling as they may be, look at only one side of the ledger and fail to
address the other and more important side: what will happen if Putin’s
aggression in Ukraine succeeds while the West stands by and does little or
nothing – and not just on the former Soviet space but around the world?
On Novy region 2 today, Kseniya
Kirillova says that while the concerns about the risks involved are
understandable, they are misplaced because they ignore the fact that the
consequences of not assisting Ukraine will be far worse than any of those from
doing so (nr2.com.ua/blogs/Ksenija_Kirillova/Predatelstvo-Ukrainy-klyuch-k-yadernomu-haosu-89732.html).
The biggest fear some in the West
and especially in Europe have is that providing assistance would provoke Putin,
lead to an escalation of the conflict, and possibly open the way to the use of
nuclear weapons. But “the chief paradox” of the situation is in fact that not
providing Ukraine with military help may make that more likely, Kirillova says.
She notes that Ukraine gave up the
nuclear weapons on its territory in exchange for a guarantee of security as
offered in the December 1994 Budapest Memorandum signed not only by Ukraine but
also by Russia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
That agreement in turn is part of
the more general security system in Europe, a system “build on guarantees.” But
“if such guarantees are violated in a barbarous fashion, and Europe and the US
do nothing for their defense, then we will get the destruction of the entire
existing world order” and enter into a Hobbesian world in which each will look
to its own defense.
In that event, the threat of the use
of nuclear weapons will come not just from Moscow. Other governments, “uncertain that they can
defend themselves” or that anyone else will defend them, will be less willing
to give up nuclear weapons if they have them and more inclined to try to
develop them if they don’t.
A world in which a large number of
countries do so will not be a stable one. Instead, it will be one in which at
some point either through miscalculation or otherwise, someone will use them
and someone else will have to respond.
Those who argue against providing
military assistance to Ukraine “frequently forget,” Kirillova says, that they
are in fact “acknowledging ‘the right of the strong’ to violate the territorial
integrity of any weaker states by those which have important economic or
political significance for the West or simply are more effective in using
blackmail.”
And that means, she continues, that “the
potential victims of aggression will begin to search for their own means to
blackmail their opponents – if they do not see any other means for the defense
of their interests” in a world in which guarantees have no meaning. Unfortunately, in
today’s anything but stable world, there are a large number of countries likely
to do so.
Iran is the
most obvious, but it is hardly alone. Among others Kirillova lists are the
Kurds, Serbia and Kosovo, Ukraine itself, Belarus, and Central Asian countries
fearful of the Islamist threat; but that list would grow if others ceased to
believe that they were protected or alternatively restrained by Western
guarantees.
She notes that
Belarusian leader Alyaksandr Lukashenka has already said that it was a mistake
for his country to have allowed the nuclear weapons on its territory to be
removed and that he has no intention of repeating it by allowing weapons-grade
uranium to be taken as well. “If we had [such] arms now, people would speak
with other in a different way,” he says.
“The world
could turn out to be on the edge of complete mutual destruction,” the
commentator says. Helping Ukraine would slow and possibly stop “such a
development of events and not accelerate it as some European leaders fear.” Had the West taken a tougher line last year,
it would have required less of an effort than it will now.
But “it is not
too late to correct the situation even now.” And as the risks of doing nothing
are so much greater than those of taking action, Kirillova concludes, “let us
hope that despite all the warnings of the German side, the United States will
provide the victim of aggression with the help it is asking for” lest the
aggressor and potential victims decide that aggression works.
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