Paul
Goble
Staunton, August 16 – Many have
found it difficult to believe that the question of access to local elections in
Moscow could lead to mass protests, Kseniya Kirillova says; but they forget the
ways in which such access in the past and the simulation of local political
action in the form of anti-corruption moves have represented the latest form of
“internal emigration.”
Faced with difficulties and
repression in the past, the US-based Russian journalist says, many Russians have withdrawn into what in
Soviet times was called “internal emigration,” seeking out little islands of
hope in a sea of despair (qha.com.ua/po-polochkam/poslednij-kraj-pered-obryvom-kak-rossiyan-lishayut-vozmozhnosti-vnutrennej-emigratsii-i-chto-iz-etogo-vyjdet/).
In the last five years, Russians
have watched as their standard of living has declined and repression by the
powers that be have increased. But many comforted themselves with the idea that
at least they could play some limited role in local affairs even if that role
too was constantly being reduced.
“Local politics and the solution of
local issues, including the struggle with corruption became a kind of ‘internal
emigration,’ the last illusion of freedom which the active part of society had
and which gave people the sense that they could do something and influence
something,” Kirillova says.
But now with its actions blocking
opposition candidates from running for the Moscow city council, the Kremlin has
shown that the rules of the game have changed yet again and that those Russians
who had seen such local institutions as evidence that the people still mattered
can no longer do so.
This latest “change of the rules” is
something ever more Russians can’t tolerate because they see it not as just one
restriction among any but as an existential threat. And that has been heightened by the brutal
behavior of the authorities who have made clear that the Russian people now
face the risk of repression at any time.
In response to this shift in Russian attitudes,
the powers that be have adopted an ever- harder line, one that is exacerbated
by two other factors. On the one hand, Kirllova says, the Kremlin recognizes
that it is not going to be able to get the Russian economy moving again and
regain support of the kind it had in the years before 2008.
And on the other, she continues, ever more
people in the Kremlin believe that they can survive only if they scramble the board
internationally by securing some kind of new super-Crimean victory over the
West, something that as other analysts have argued will require the use of
nuclear blackmail.
And this “war party” in the Kremlin is
convinced, the Russian journalist says, that it can and must crack down at home
in order to pursue such a policy abroad, something it can do because in the
view of its followers, “Trumpian America is not democratic and therefore it
doesn’t need our democrats anymore” (topwar.ru/161017-konec-specproekta-navalnyj.html).
Given that both the population and the powers feel these ways, Kirillova
concludes, Russia is beyond doubt “moving
toward a catastrophe,” one in which the people won’t be able to comfort
themselves that they have anything but their lives left and in which the authorities
think they have nothing to lose by repression and going to the brink of nuclear
war.
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