Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 25 – For several
years, it has been a commonplace that Ramzan Kadyrov’s Chechnya is part of
Russia in name only and that its relationship with the rest of Russia reflects
Kadyrov’s ties with Vladimir Putin rather than the commitment of either Grozny
or Moscow to ensure the Chechen Republic lives according to the Russian
constitution and laws.
But there has been less attention to
the fact that another republic in the North Caucasus – Daghestan – has also
been slipping out of the Russian legal system and no longer can be said to be
part of that system or even to have a special relationship between its leader,
Ramazan Abdulatipov, and the Russian president.
Moscow’s repeated claims that
everything in the North Caucasus is getting better, that the insurgency is
over, and that the authorities have everything in hand has distracted many from
recognizing that Daghestan may be on its way to becoming a more lawless and
less controlled republic than even Chechnya under Kadyrov.
On Wednesday, some 50 officials and
activists from Daghestan met in Moscow to discuss the problems of the republic
at a forum organized by Maksim Shevchenko, a member of the Presidential Human
Rights Council, and with the significant title “Let Us Return the Russian
Constitution to Daghestan” (chernovik.net/content/respublika/iz-moskvy-s-trevogoy).
Speaker after speaker argued that “the
social, political, and economic situation in the republic is close to
catastrophic – ‘the people are getting poorer while the powers that be are
getting richer’ and the level of trust by the population in the authorities is
within the margin of statistical insignificance.”
According to the report in the
current issue of Makhachkala’s Chernovik,
the speakers pointed to “the hostile attitude of the powers to a significant
portion of Muslims, the lack of work with young people, legal arbitrariness,”
and the spread of disease in the population because officials did nothing.
Many said that Makhachkala had
openly falsified elections and all “recommended” that Abdulatipov retire “’if
he in fact loves Daghestan.’” They
indicated, however, that the republic’s problems weren’t limited to Abdulatipov
because in the words of one, “there isn’t one Abdulatipov; there are thousands
of Abdulatipovs.”
And
they did not spare Moscow and the Kremlin either in their critique. Magomed
Abdulkhabirov, a member of the Russian Social Chamber, said that instead of
paying attention to letters from Daghestanis, officials in the Russian capital
simply send them back to Makhachkala where measures, often repressive ones, are
taken.
Besides
calling for the ouster of Abdulatipov, the participants in the Moscow meeting
also demanded direct elections of the head of the republic, representation of
all groups in the republic government, and greater transparency in the way that
the republic authorities operate so that Daghestanis can ensure they again work
within the law.
Summing
up, Shevchenko said that under Abdulatipov, the cities of Daghestan had decayed
and the regions had been “thrown to their fates.” The powers that be now operate entirely
outside the law and the constitution, and they “conceal from the center the
situation in the republic and deceive the president.”
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