Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 23 – Soviet
prisons and camps were notorious for many reasons but one of the most horrific
aspects of them was the communist practice of considering ordinary criminals as
“socially close” to the population and using them to repress and control “the
politicals” who were invariably viewed as socially “alien.”
Now, the Russian authorities have
updated this ugly practice by pitting ordinary criminals against Muslims
convicted of both “extremist” and ordinary crimes and using the former to
control the latter. That may make the
jailors’ job easier in the short term but only at the cost of further dividing
Russian society and radicalizing Muslims who pass through the prison system.
Last week, the Rosbalt news agency
reported on a violent clash between a group of professional criminals and
Muslims from Chechnya and Daghestan in a camp in the Tuvin Republic, a clash in
which the professional criminals attacked the Muslim prisoners for religious
and ethnic reasons to cement their dominance (rosbalt.ru/moscow/2017/02/16/1592296.html).
Since then, more details have leaked
out; and now two analysts, Azamat Dadayev of the OnKavkaz portal (onkavkaz.com/news/1542-zakon-gor-i-shariat-chechency-i-salafity-objavili-ohotu-na-vora-razgromivshego-mechet-na-zone.html) and Bakhtiyar
Aripov for the Prague-based Caucasus Times (caucasustimes.com/article.asp?id=21541),
have connected the dots.
Dadayev
says that the sharp increase in the number of Muslims who are in prison and the
dramatic growth in radical jamaats there has frightened Moscow and led prison
officials to turn to ordinary criminals as allies against them, a choice that
is leading to deeper divisions and more radicalization among Muslim prisoners.
The incident in Tuva is simply a case of this trend.
But
it is far more dangerous than its Soviet model was for two reasons. On the one hand, the government’s alliance
with professional criminals has only made it easier for radical Salafites to
argue that Muslims must unite in tightly organized communities and be prepared
to use violence to defend themselves.
And
on the other, these clashes within the prisons have had an echo outside not
only when the Muslim prisoners are released back into the civilian population
but even before when Muslim groups outside the penal system learn what is going
on and decide to support their co-believers with attacks on professional
criminals in the “free” zone.
A
few days ago, North Caucasian, Azerbaijani and Central Asian Salafis med in the
suburbs of Moscow and decided to take revenge on professional criminals. The powers that be were so frightened of the
breakout of a war between the criminals and the Salafis that they increased the
presence of siloviki in those parts of the Russian capital most likely affected.
Aripov
in his article concurred on all these points, but he added a number of details
of his own. He pointed out that students
of this subject say that “at a minimum,” ten percent of Muslim converts submit
to Islam while they are in prison or the camps, and that such people, often the
most radical anyway, are further radicalized by the state’s alliance with professional
criminals.
Moreover,
just as the professional criminals seek to impose their rules in a place where “the
laws of the state don’t operate,” so too the Salafis try to do the same thing.
The latter, of course, are not really about Islam as a faith but rather as a
political mobilizing force. In that, he says, they are very much like the Black
Muslims in the United States of Louis Farrakhan.
“The
organizational structure of the Caucasian jamaats is little different from
Farakhan’s organization,” Aripov says, “despite the fact that here a different
tradition – Salafism – is what is being used as a mobilizing tool and weapon.”
The
Caucasus Times commentator concludes by quoting the words of Valerio Bispuri,
an Italian photographer who has won awards for his pictures of prison life
around the world. Bispuri says that “a prison is a mirror that reflects the
real situation in the country. Whatever happens in prison is an indicator of
what will happen in society,”
Aripov
says that the conflict in the Tuvin prison is “a clear illustration” of that.
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