Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 8 – Many have
expected a spike in crime in Russia and it may even be happening, Kirill
Titayev, a sociologist at St. Petersburg’s European University says; but
Russian statistics on crime are so “totally manipulated” that it is almost
impossible to say whether this or that kind of crime is increasing or
decreasing.
Indeed, he tells Arnold Khachaturov
of “Novaya gazeta,” his colleagues have found that “the main predictor of the number
of crimes and of those being solved depends [largely] on how long it has been
since the heads of law enforcement organs in the subject of the Federation has
been in office (novayagazeta.ru/articles/2017/02/07/71428-snizheniem-ulichnoy-prestupnosti-my-obyazany-tanchikam).
“When
a new leader arrives, criminality goes up as does the share of crimes being
solved and he explains this” as evidence of his success. And then over time,
crimes and the share of them being solved decline. Unfortunately, Titov says,
this pattern is not confined to the local or regional level; it affects the
all-Russian figures as well.
Moscow
determines how many corruption cases there are and how many are “solved,” the
sociologist says. That is understandable given the fact that in all cases of
bribery, both sides involved have reason not to have it come out. But the same kind of protectionism works for
other crimes as well, the sociologist continues.
Sometimes
the heads of police agencies report an upsurge in crime in order to extract
more resources from the government. Over
the last six years, the amount the government spends on criminal investigations
has in fact continued to fall. Some of this has been diverted to Putin’s
National Guard; but police have an interest in seeing their incomes go up.
Because
of these distortions, those scholars who try to track crime have to use
indirect methods. There have been some obvious
trends, Titov says. Street crime is in fact down over the last two decades, in
large measure he suggests because of the rise of computer games which attract
many who earlier engaged in it.
In
other comments, Titov explains why Russia’s the situation regarding crimes and
their solution is fundamentally different than and behind the times of other
developed countries. One reason has to
do with Russia’s northern model of alcohol consumption in which 15 percent of
the population consume 85 percent of the alcohol and often commit crimes while
intoxicated.
And
both the authors of many crimes and their victims in this case are members of the
underclass, about whom the authorities know less not only because they ignore
them but also because many in this class, especially in Russia, do all that
they can to avoid any interaction with officialdom, further weakening
statistical measures.
The
police have a hard time recording or solving crimes is no one reports them, the
sociologist points out. And the situation in Russia is especially bad because
it is hypercentralized and because it is driven by statistics which encourage
some things being reported and others not, Titov says.
“Russia
is practically the only example of a large country with a centralized police,”
he continues. In most others, decentralization is the rule. But because it is centralized and driven by
the factors it is, Titov says, the police are increasingly separate from the people
and becoming ever more like “the police of Alabama in the 1920s.”
That
must change or soon the police system “will simply cease to work.” But for the
police system to change, the political system as a whole must change as well.
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