Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 20 – Russian
complaints that officials in non-Russian republics are pushing parents to send
their children to schools in the titular languages of these federal subjects
have sparked calls in Moscow to strip republics of their powers and run schools
directly as well as to change the definition of “native language” to
disadvantage non-Russians,
The problem came to a head last week
at the Federal Institute for the Development of Education following complaints
by teachers in Bashkortostan that were entirely supported by Olga Artemenko,
head of the Center for Nationality Problems of Education (mkset.ru/news/society/18-11-2019/eto-katastrofa-pedagog-iz-ufy-rasskazala-v-moskve-o-navyazyvanii-bashkirskogo-yazyka).
Artemenko’s intemperate attacks on
the republics were so extreme that Tatar teachers and activists have demanded
that she be investigated for extremism (idelreal.org/a/30284874.html) and have led Caucasus specialist Abraham
Shmulyevich to conclude that “Russification is the Kremlin’s goal” (facebook.com/avraham.shmulevich/posts/10220265278843061).
Ramazan
Alpaut of the Idel Real portal surveys various non-Russian specialists
on what Artemenko’s attacks mean (idelreal.org/a/30280396.html).
Marat Latfullin of the Democratic Congress of
Peoples of Russia says that Artemenko has always sought to make the study of
non-Russian languages voluntary and ultimately eliminate them.
Her
approach, he continues, is much like that in Soviet times but with important
differences that work against the non-Russians: “The main one is that there are
no national language schools since the language of instruction is defined not
by municipalities as was the case earlier but by parents.” And the state
doesn’t provide free textbooks and teachers.
Artemenko
and those associated with her are playing games with the term “native language”
to confuse people about what languages are “native.” But this is only “a
distraction,” he says, “since all the conditions for ending the study of the
languages of the non-Russian peoples have already been created.”
“The
preparation of teachers for nationality schools has ceased even in Tatarstan,
the preparation of teachers of native languages is conducted only in republics
and at a minimum level for show, one that does not meet the needs of the
peoples. And textbooks also have been deprived of legitimacy,” Latfullin says.
Dmitry
Semyonov of Open Russia says that Artemenko’s outburst is an opening salvo in
the Kremlin plan to come up with an even more restrictive language law. That law will be another step toward “taking
native languages off the list of obligatory subjects.” Many felt that is what
the current law was designed to do, but Putin, playing “the good tsar,” denied
this.
Now,
however it is clear that what many feared has been true all along, Semyonov
says.
Vladimir
Tishin, an orientalist, argues that “the introduction of the subject ‘native
language’ is more far-reaching than many think. It is designed to create a
single standard across all non-Russian republics and Russian regions as well
and thus leave both without the flexibility they currently have. It is another step
toward centralization and homogenization.
The
only thing that may save the situation of the non-Russians for a time, Tishin
continues, is that Artemenko’s words suggest that the whole plan is poorly
thought out and may not be effectively applied.
Ruslan
Aysin, a Tatar who follows the nationality question generally, says that Artemenko
is a front person for higher ups who are unhappy that any non-Russian languages
are surviving in schools. During a visit
to Kazan, she said openly that “national schools are a factor of ethnic
mobilization” and thus unacceptable (cf. idelreal.org/a/30262301.html).
Valery
Khatazhukhov of the Kabardino-Balkar Human Rights Defense Center says that
Artemenko’s remarks should dispel any illusions people have as to what Moscow
wants. “The republics must be destroyed” and they will have no purpose if they can’t
support the languages of their titular nations.
And
Irina Prokhorova, a literature specialist, speaks for all of them. “Russia is a
multi-national and multi-confessional country and at the level of rhetoric we
appear to recognize the multiplicity of cultural models but in practice we
continue to follow a system of centralization and the unification of
socio-cultural life.”
That
has serious consequences for everyone: “By suppressing the initiatives of local
communities, we promote the cultural and then the economic stagnation of the
country.”
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