Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 15 – The Russian
Federation is far from the only former Soviet republic with an aging, longtime authoritarian
leader and thus, because no one lives forever, a succession problem. In some,
the leader has arranged a ‘soft’ transit; in others, the leaders don’t want to
talk about it at all; and in yet a third, death or popular risings force the
issue.
Kazakhstan is the class example of
the first, Belarus of the second, and Azerbaijan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and
Uzbekistan of the third, commentary Denis Luzin suggests in a survey for the Nakanune
news agency of the challenges the lack of institutionalized democracy and regular
rotation of leaders present (nakanune.ru/articles/115633/).
Just how long leaders in these
countries can hold on has been highlighted this week by Alyaksandr Lukashenka’s
announcement that he will “run” for a sixth term in 2020 even though he has
been president since July 1991. But the undoubted leader in terms of time in
power is Kazakhstan’s Nursultan Nazarbayev.
He became first secretary of his
republic’s CPSU Central Committee in 1989 and then president in 1990, a post he
was reelected to five times. But sensing
the passing of time, he arranged for a “soft” transition to Kasym Jomart
Tokayev this past year but remains a real power and not really behind the scenes.
Ilham Aliyev has been head of Azerbaijan
since 2003 – 16 years ago – when he succeeded his father Heydar. Islam Karimov
was in charge of Uzbekistan from 1991 until his death in 2016 when he was
succeeded by the former head of Karimov’s government, Shavkat Mirziyoyev.
Similarly, in Turkmenistan,
Saparmurat Niyazov headed that country between 1991 until his death in 2006.
The following year, he was succeeded by Gurbanbuly Berdymukhamedov, who remains
in office to this day. And in
Tajikistan, Emomali Rakhmon has been president since 1992. He faces “an election”
soon but no one doubts he will run and win.
In few regions of the world has such
stability of leadership been the rule. In most, either democratic arrangements,
coups or popular risings have led to far more frequent leadership changes. But this means that across the CIS, there is
an aging group of rulers who in the nature of things will be passing from the
scene most likely by natural causes in the near future.
But in those places where the regime
rests on the extraction and sale of natural resources as is the case with most
of these leaders and Putin in Russia as well, Pavel Salin of Russia’s Finance
University says, individual leaders may die but their regimes remain stable
allowing for a relatively easy handover of power within their entourages.
In the case of Belarus, which
depends on assistance from Russia, Lukashenka too may remain in power for a long
time unless the actuarial tables intervene or unless external shocks, possibly
coming from Russia and its insistence on integration create strains that he
finds it impossible to cope with.
Luzin concludes that none of this
means that the problem of “the transition of power” in Russia in 2024 doesn’t
remain a serious problem, but these patterns in other CIS countries with
authoritarian leaders who have been in office for decades suggest that it may
not be as big a one as many now think.
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