Paul
Goble
Staunton, February 2 – Semyon Reznik,
an opposition deputy in St. Petersburg’s legislative assembly, says the best
way to understand what is happening in Russia in the waning years of Vladimir
Putin is the “’Turkmenbashi-ization’” of the country, a reference to the brutal
and curious rule of Saparmurat Niyazov over Turkmenistan.
“We live in conditions of victorious
authoritarianism,” he said recently, “and today we are being offered in essence
a chance to affirm Vyacheslav Volodin’s formula, ‘Where there is Putin, there
is Russia; where he isn’t, Russia isn’t either.’ That is, for the rule without
end of the present president” (golos-ameriki.ru/a/russia-parlamentarism/5268750.html).
What is important to remember is
that “all this is taking place not at the same time. One must not say that
before this we lived under conditions of developed democracy. All these years,
democratic procedures have been compromised, and rights and freedoms restricted
… Now we see an attempt to keep a specific individual who has already led the
country in power forever.”
The most adequate description of
this process is “’the Turkmenbashi-izaiton’” of Russia, the transformation of the
country in the direction of the brutal and eccentric ruler of Turkmenistan who
built statues to himself even as he destroyed all political life around him in
order to remain in office.
Russians are suffering something
similar, Reznik continues. Those who
might be in a position to assume positions of responsibility have been
destroyed or marginalized or exiled. “We saw this in the recent Moscow elections,
and I think we will observe this with a refusal to register Navalny’s party, Gudkov’s
party, the problems of Yabloko and so on.”
“It is impossible to discuss the
history and future of parliamentarianism in the absence of democracy. These
things are interrelated,” the deputy says.
But just like Niyazov in Turkmenistan, Putin and his team “over the
course of may years have destroyed any political competition and continue to do
so.”
But what is especially noteworthy is
the way in which Putin himself increasingly resembles the late Niyazov in
making himself irreplaceable by destroying all those who could do so. More than
that, the Russian leader like the Turkmenistan one, “wants to rule on everything
but not to be responsible for anything.”
“He wants to be involved with everything.
Ballet, the Olympics, and big construction projects, he wants to teach history
to everyone, to educate the whole role, and to threaten everyone with his
fingers.” But at the same time, he doesn’t want to take responsibility for
anything people turn out not to like, such as the pension reform.
The Turkmenbashi before his death
erected a gold statue of himself that rotated so it always faced the sun, he
changed the names of the months to honor his family members, he devastated the
country with massive projects, and he used brutality and psychiatric prisons to
maintain himself. (For a description of Niyazov, see theguardian.com/world/2006/dec/21/1).
Putin hasn’t yet erected a gold
statue yet, but he has taken some of the other steps “the father of the
Turkmens” did. And once he is president for life as Niyazov became in 1999,
Putin may move even further in the horrific and absurd directions of the man
Reznik suggests he all too much resembles.
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