Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 15 – If Vladimir
Putin sends his forces to seize into any of the former Soviet republics --
including the three Baltic states which are NATO members -- the Western
alliance won’t do anything more than express “deep concern” because the major
European governments will be led by “people loyal to Russia,” according to Andrey
Illarionov.
Because ever more NATO countries
appear likely to be led by such people in the near future, the commentator says,
they will be ever more willing to “cooperate with the dictator from Russia” and
ever less ready “to risk anything for the defense even of NATO borders not to
speak of countries like Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova, Georgia and others” (politnavigator.net/ehks-sovetnik-putina-rossiya-vernet-chast-ukrainy-i-pribaltiku-nato-nichego-ne-smozhet-sdelat.html).
As a result, “on this space, which
now exists in a vacuum deprived of security will occur what Putin has often
talked about, the realization of [his] program of ‘the Russian world.’” And
Moscow “one way or another will seek the establishment of control by military
and non-military means over a greater part of Ukraine, Belarus, Transdniestria,
and part of Georgia.”
“It is thus not excluded,” Illarionov
says, that Moscow will seek to gain control of “northeastern Estonia and
eastern Latvia.”
“We know,” he told a recent meeting
in Poland, “what the answer that NATO and the Western world will give to these
actions. There will be no answer.” Or more precisely, there will be expressions
of concern regarding “the violation of international law” and “the violation of
all principles which we have known since World War II. But there won’t be any
concrete response.”
Given the likelihood of that, the
Russian commentator says, Putin is likely to achieve his goals.
Tragically, Illarionov may prove to
be correct, although all people of good will should hope he isn’t. Putin has shown himself a master of combing
aggression in some spheres with expressions of a desire to cooperate in others
and to simply wait out Western leaders who feel themselves compelled to show
progress by reaching an accord with him.
And even more worrisome, there is an increasing
willingness in the West to accept the the former Soviet space as lying within
Russia’s droit de regard and to say that
because Moscow’s moves are confined to the former Soviet space, they do not threaten
the West and should be viewed as a rather typical sorting out of imperial
legacies.
But such views entail two kinds of dangers
that should matter very much to the West. On the one hand, if many in the
region conclude that Illarionov is right, some may surrender but others may
behave in more radical ways, provoking a Russian imperialist response that
could threaten ever more of the Soviet region.
And on the other, despite what Putin and
his admirers may think and even suggest, there is no indication that Putin has
any intention of stopping at the Soviet borders. His actions in Syria in
support of a dictator there should convince anyone open to convincing that he
has a much larger and more dangerous agenda – and that if he is not blocked now,
he will pursue it.
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