Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 11 – The Duma
election campaign demonstrates many things, Russian commentator Maksim
Shevchenko says, and none more fateful than that “only Putin and his gang of
siloviki link together the various regions of the country,” each of which now
has “its own agenda,” while the country doesn’t have one as a whole.
The Moscow leaders have been making
and then breaking promises for so long that no one is prepared to rely on them
anymore, he continues in an essay posted on Kazan’s “Business-Gazeta” portal.
Instead, some regions are trying to make a go of it on their own, “not thanks
to but in spite of” Moscow (business-gazeta.ru/article/322321).
The Kremlin’s
attempts to suggest otherwise show that Russia has become “a monarchy without
monarchism, an empire without an imperial idea and a democracy without
democratic procedures.” People are getting tired of this, something that
Shevchenko suggests, “only the blind to not see.”
Shevchenko says that “a clan
bureaucratic state has been built in Russia. In some places, this is stronger
and in others weaker,” but it is a personalist dictatorship in which most
people and most officials look to only one man – Vladimir Putin – for the
solution of all problems rather than taking responsibility on their own.
There is no real opposition, he argues.
The members of the four parliamentary parties operate by consensus and that has
meant that they have “finally lost their microscopic claims to political
content.” And the other parties, which the
regime allows to operate as long as they don’t attract much support, don’t
really affect the situation.
What the four systemic parties are about
during this election, Shevchenko says, is eliminating any possibility of
discussing major issues like rights and freedoms and getting people to focus on
minuscule things. All this shows, in the current situation, that “the constitution
doesn’t exist” and that “the people are not the source of power.”
According to Shevchenko, this is “a dead
end” and will “inevitably lead to internal conflicts.” The system itself is “aging
along with the people with whom it is associated.” It is becoming more
sclerotic and less capable of effective action.
These elections are only for show in the West and to keep the ruling
elite in power, not to change anything.
Russia is “tired,” he says, “and it wants
something new. The world is changing and we are again trying to keep the past.”
That doesn’t work in families when a wife wants to leave her husband. Forcing
them to stay in the same apartment only makes the two people hate one another
even more.
Shevchenko says that “the rising of the tractor
drivers, which has been suppressed by ‘the gendarmes, what is happening with
Russia’s Muslims who are sitting as before in jail … and with the arrested
[Russian] nationalists is a Stolypin type reaction.” It will end “if a Lenin is
found who can formulate the goals and tasks in language everyone can
understand.
Despite his criticism of the elections,
Shevchenko says people should participate in order to keep the level of
falsification down. “For example,” he says, “if 14 percent of the people vote,
then the authorities will record 80 percent and divide the 66 percent among the
ruling elite n order to solve their family issues.”
Thus, by voting, Russians will reduce the
size of the number of ballots that can be falsified, Shevchenko says, although
he acknowledges that “in certain regions, it is simply impossible to life
without such falsifications.”
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