Paul
Goble
Staunton, November 5 – The agencies
charged with protecting Belarusian national security are in fact undermining it
because the country’s special services are used by the president against his
political enemies rather than serving to alert Minsk to threats to the
country’s national security, Igor Ogurtsov and Mikhail Pastukhov say.
The Belarusian security services
have received relatively little attention because the country has few
independent specialists on them, and the only individual whose ideas have
attracted attention, Andrey Porotnikov, is someone who is an apologist for the
current presidential arrangements, the two analysts say (nmnby.eu/news/analytics/6967.html).
In a new Nashe mnenie
commentary, the two sharply criticize Porotnikov’s ideas as laid out most
prominently at nmnby.eu/news/analytics/5707.html in January 2015
and suggest five steps that the Belarusian authorities need to take if the
special services are going to defend Belarus and not just Lukashenka.
Porotnikov’s ideas were developed in
the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2014 and reflected more what was
happening in that country than the situation in Belarus as such. That was a
mistake, Ogurtsov and Pastukhov say, because it understated the extent to which
the Belarusian special services serve only the president and not the country.
“In our view,” they write, “such a
state of affairs is a threat to the national security of the country to the
extent that the special services do not act according to their direct
assignment but have been converted into ordinary punitive organs.” In most
countries, the intelligence services report not just to the president but to
the parliament as well. Belarus must follow that pattern.
Ogutsov and Pastukhov call for the
introduction of parliamentary control over the special services. (Talk about
societal control, they argue, is simply a smokescreen to keep the present
arrangements in place.) And they urge that intelligence functions be
concentrated in a single agency rather than divided into many parts as
Porotnikov proposed.
To achieve those ends, they call on
the Belarusian government to take five steps:
First,
in place of the Committee on State Security (KGB), establish a National
Security Service.
Second,
conduct a purge of the officers of the KGB, reduce its size and functions, and
redivide it so that the president will find it harder to use against the
population.
Third,
explicitly exclude from the new agency any domestic political role.
Fourth,
make the new agency the coordinator for all intelligence work by subgroups in
other ministries such as the ministry of defense.
And
fifth, set up legally defined and transparent arrangements for all these goals.
To begin, the Belarusian parliament
must pass a special law on the intelligence service, it must have the power to
confirm and dismiss the leader of this service, and it should establish a
special permanent committee to monitor what the intelligence service does.
All of this may seem and actually be
utopian as long as Alyaksandr Lukashenka is in power, but the new article
suggests that a new discussion of an issue long ignored is about to break out
in Minsk, if not yet within the Lukashenka regime than already among those who
are its opponents.
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