Paul Goble
Staunton, June 14 – The roughly
600,000 Maris, a Finno-Ugric nation in the Middle Volga, have long looked to
the larger and now independent Finno-Ugric nations of Estonia, Finland, and
Hungary for inspiration and support. Their interest has been reciprocated – and
Moscow doesn’t like it.
Last week, Hungary’s consul general
in Kazan visited Ioshkar-Olga, the capital of Mari El, and proposed holding a
Hungarian film festival for his fellow Finno-Ugrics there (idelreal.org/a/29275876.html). Whether that will happen remains to be seen, given
Moscow’s opposition; but it has called attention to links between nations in
this language community.
To put this event in context, Dmitry
Lyubimov in an extraordinarily useful article for Radio Liberty’s IdelReal portal has provided a detailed
history of contacts between the Maris and the three now-independent Finno-Ugric
nations as well as the reaction of the Soviet and now Russian governments (idelreal.org/a/29283225.html).
Finnish and Hungarian scholars first
made contact with the Maris in the 19th century; but already in the
mid-1920s, the Soviet authorities sought to shut down these contacts, setting
the stage for attacks on all Finno-Ugric cooperation almost like those launched
against Pan-Turkism and for charges that various Mari figures were “Finnish
spies.”
In the 1970s, however, it became
possible for some contacts to resume with Hungary, presumably because that
country was part of the Soviet bloc. Contacts with Estonia, then occupied by
Moscow, were possible as well; but anything having to do with Finland remained
almost impossible.
After the collapse
of the USSR, there was a flurry of contacts between the Maris and the three
Finno-Ugric countries, including visits by their ambassadors, talks about trade,
and cultural and educational exchange. But that began to end in 2000 following
the appointment of Leonid Markelov as head of the republic.
Jaak Prozes, an Estonian
expert on the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Russian Federation, argues that Moscow
has tried out policies in Mari El that it has later extended to other
non-Russian nations. For example, Markelov made the study of Mari voluntary in
2000 thus presaging Putin’s current push by 18 years (inosmi.ru/russia/20100623/160791328.html).
Markelov also took the lead in
dividing the national movement by creating pro-government groups to oppose more
independent and popular ones and by attacking members of the latter, often with
violence. His moves in that regard in
2005 were denounced by Finno-Ugric countries and the European Parliament as
well.
The Russian foreign ministry
dismissed these criticisms as inappropriate and the Russian Duma followed suit,
Lyubimov says. And Moscow together with Markelov did what it could to ensure
that the Maris did not know how much support they had. The local media was
silent about the controversy, and because the Internet had not developed there,
few knew about it.
In the 1990s, the Hungarian
ambassador to Moscow visited Mari El four times, the Finnish ambassador and the
Estonian ambassador once each. Then, in the first years of this century, they came
as a group in 2002 and 2005, as well as individually, with the Hungarian
diplomat coming six times, the Finnish four, and the Estonian three.
But since 2011, no Finno-Ugric
country ambassador has come to Mari El. At best, the republic has been visited
by consul generals from Kazan or lower-ranking diplomats from the Moscow
embassies. There have been some economic and cultural contacts; but those too
appear to being frozen out.
At least, when these do occur, the
government media in Mari El even under Markelov’s successor have done what they
could to downplay or even completely ignore them.
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