Paul Goble
Staunton,
June 23 – In a disastrous case of drawing on unfortunate even tragic tsarist
policies, S. Magaril and P. Filippov write in Yezhednevny zhurnal, Vladimir Putin is reprising tsarist-era
attitudes toward education, attitudes that contributed to Russia’s backwardness
and explosions of violence in the early years of the 20th
century.
After
reviewing the history of tsarist antagonism toward schooling, an attitude
reflecting the view of tsars that it was easier to keep the people in line if
they were not educated, the two say “today we observer the very same efforts of
the powers not to allow Russians to get good educations especially in economics
and political science” (ej.ru/?a=note&id=32607).
Today’s “school
and higher educational institution programs do not provide explanations for the
poverty of some countries and the wealth of others,” Magaril and Fillipov say. “They
do not explain the importance for development of pluralism, political and
economic competition, the supremacy of law and an independent judicial system.”
“In place of the former communist
utopia,” they write, students are force fed “imperial fantasies.” The level of
teaching in all disciplines is declining, in large part because Putin has ordered raising the pay of instructors
while cutting government financing of universities and other higher educational
institutions.
And that is compounded by the fact
that the only way rectors can pay themselves more is to cut the number of
instructors. That has resulted in a system in which rectors are paid as much as
80 million rubles (1.3 million US dollars) a year while instructors and
professors are paid a pittance.
Indeed, the old joke that “if the
boss eats meat every day, while his subordinates eat cabbage, then in turns out
on average that we all eat soup” has once again gained currency.
The reduction in the number of
instructors has led to a situation in which there are now 12 students for every
instructor in Russian higher schools, while the average in other countries is
three or four to one. “Instructors are
becoming fewer and the quality of education is falling,” the two historians
say.
This doesn’t both the elite around
the Kremlin because their children long ago went to England or Germany to
study.
Of course, the two
write, “this policy is rational if you evaluate it starting from the selfish
interests of the ruling group. It is directed above all at het enrichment of the
powers of the wealthy and not at the growth in the country of human capital.”
History shows, they say that “educated
people don’t accept propaganda as readily an don’t believe that ‘the tsar is
good but the boyars are bad.’ (One is talking about really educated people and
not about specialists in Marxist-Leninist philosophy.)”
The educated “know languages and can
compare life and the system in Russia and in developed democratic countries. It
is harder to deceive them; and it isn’t an accident that each fifth Moscow,
according to polls by sociologists of the Levada Center, is today ready to
emigrate and escape the realities of Putin’s ‘democracy.’”
In all too many ways, Magaril and
Fillipov say, “the present rulers of Russia have heeded the advice of Empress
Catherine” – don’t educate the Russian people or you’ll have problems. Of course, “many Russians understand where such
a policy leads. But they are silent, they don’t protest, they are afraid.”
So far, “they even vote for ‘the
national leader.’ They behave correctly [because] after all we aren’t Armenians.
We still put up with things.”
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