Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 27 – One of Vladimir
Putin’s primary justifications for his authoritarian approach is that it is the
only way to prevent the further disintegration of the country centered on
Moscow, a view that is accepted by many Russians and by many commentators
because of the role democracy played in the demise of the USSR.
What is especially unfortunate is
that many of those who identify themselves as opponents of the Putin regime
either accept or at least do not challenge this proposition directly, despite
the fact that many countries around the world have become more integrated
rather than less as a result of democratization.
Fortunately, ever more members of
the opposition camp in Russia are beginning to make the argument that, as
Yevgeny Ikhlov says, there is no reason to expect that Russia will fall into
pieces in the event of a democratic revolution despite the scare tactics of the
Kremlin. Only by making that argument can the opposition hope to gain more
support among Russians.
Writing on the Kasparov portal, the
Moscow commentator makes a five-part argument in support of this argument (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5C98DFB9C5A49):
First, “political nations do not fall
apart.” Russia does not yet have one because it has not undergone the kind of
revolutions that could produce one. The
falling away of “peripheral provinces with ethnic minorities who consider their
provinces ‘countries’ cannot be considered a disintegration of the state.”
Second, “a democratic revolution which
creates a political nation is a ‘bourgeois’ revolution (in the Marxist
tradition), that is, one anti-feudal and anti-absolute in its social-historical
essence.”
Third, an anti-feudal revolution is one in
which “a ‘vertical’ identity (we are included in a single social order) to a
‘horizontal’ one (e are together because we are part of a cultural-historical
unity).”
Fourth,
“even a rightwing nationalist revolution (in other words, ‘fascism’) in a
post-Putin Russia ill be anti-feudal and anti-absolutists because it will
create a political nation.”
And
fifth, “in the manner of agrarian reforms, the construction of a political
nation can occur in to ways, ‘the American’ or ‘the Prussian,” that is, at the
outset e ill have either a non-ethnic Russian political nation or an ethnic
Russian political nation.” In either
case, disintegration is unlikely.
Consequently,
Ikhlov argues, “after a successful democratic revolution, Russia will not be
able to fall into pieces (in the general understanding of this scenario, into
several Russian states included or not in some kind of confederation); and even
a hypothetical civil war” would ultimately unify rather than divide the nation.
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