Paul
Goble
Staunton, March 19 – The horrors of World
War I left behind a generation that could not find its place in the modern world,
with some overthrowing the existing order altogether and others reduced to an
inability to respond effectively, Igor Yakovenko says. Nearly a century, the
demise of the USSR has left in its wake in Russia a similarly divided “lost
generation.”
Tragically, this Russian “lost
generation” has something more in common with its predecessor than just this
division: like its namesake, it is giving rise to fascism and killing off ability
of the others to resist. The lost generation of the 1920s is well known; the
Russian one since 1991, much less so, the commentator says (kasparov.ru/material.php?id=5C8F72B6B7826).
“In the Russian generation of those
shot down, there are two fractions who hate one another: those that were shot
down by the 1990s; and those who were shot down in the succeeding two decades,
Yakovenko says.
The first has an obvious and
emblematic leader: Vladimir Putin. At the end of the 1980s, he suffered “the
entire complex of the flier shot down: the collapse of the USSR which became by
his definition, ‘the greatest geopolitical catastrophe of the 20th
century was for an FSB lieutenant colonel also a personal one.”
Before it happened, he felt himself
all powerful on a flight into the heavens, a sense given to him by membership
in the secret service, Yakovenko says. But then he was reduced to the pathetic
position of an assistant to the rector of Leningrad State University, a
trajectory rapidly downward he was not alone in following.
“Having experienced ‘the cursed
1990s,’ this generation of imperialist who had been ‘shot down’ came to power
and organized their revenge by trying to revive the empire and thus wipe from
history all the signs of ‘the greatest geopolitical catastrophe.’” And unlike
Boris Yeltsin, they went after their enemies and instilled fear in them.
They orchestrated political murders as a
matter of routine not just to get inconvenient people out of the way but to
intimidate everyone else. That proved
effective, Yakovenko says. “Stalin killed millions in order to frighten tens of
millions: Putin showed that it is enough to kill several well-known figures and
several hundred less well know in order to frighten all the rest.”
Moreover, this lost generation having
returned to power was quite prepared for the same reasons to dispatch its
opponents to prison, drive them into emigration and irrelevance, coopt them and
put them in positions where they were totally dependent on the powers that be
and thus totally incapable of resisting them.
“There is a very widespread point of
view that the Russian opposition is so weak and hopeless because Russians are a
nation of slaves, genetically incapable of resisting the powers. This Nazi myth
is very popular in liberal assemblies,” Yakovenko says. Anyone who challenges
this notion, however, risks being dismissed as “a hurrah patriot.”
In reality, Russians are not a
nation of slaves because of their genetics. That is racist nonsense. They are
slaves because they have been good reason to be afraid and because those who do
oppose the increasingly fascist authoritarian regime under which they live
engage in maximalism and disputes rather than working together to get rid of
the regime.
And because such things leave the
opponents of the regime with the idea that nothing is possible, they descend even
further into the kind of population that the representatives of the Russian
lost generation returned to power can easily intimidate into silence and
obedience, Yakovenko suggests.
“The Russian opposition very much
needs a success in any direction,” he argues. If it has some, it will begin to
believe in itself. That will cure the chief disability of its being the other
part of the lost generation. And if it does so, it will be in a position to
oppose and eventually defeat that very different part of the lost generation
now in power.
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