Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 24 – The Estonian
national movement in the last decades of the Soviet occupation initially took the
form of ecological protest, grew into one focused on historical preservation,
and then became a national liberation movement that culminated in the recovery of
Estonian independence in 1991, Vadim Shtepa says.
Now, in many ways, people in the Finno-Ugric
Komi republic appear to be on their way to retracing that path, the Russian
regionalist says, although there are some important differences between the two
movements (epl.delfi.ee/arvamus/komide-fosforiidisoda-moskva-prugi-lammutab-venemaad?id=86853009;
in Russian at region.expert/komi-eesti/).
For the last few months, Shtepa
continues, the Komi republic has become “one of the most socially-active
regions of Russia,” with protests taking place “practically in every city.” And what is more, in contrast to most other
regions, the protesters aren’t appealing to Putin for aid but rather calling for
his ouster.
The proximate cause of these protests
is the plan of the imperial center to dispose of trash from Moscow in the
northern regions of the country and to do so in ways that will lead to “an
ecological catastrophe for all the northern regions and the White Sea.” Moscow
expected it could do what it wanted in the north without protest, but it was wrong.
In fact, “protests of the
Northerners have turned out to be even more active than those in the Moscow
region” who forced the center to look further afield. And “more than that,” those
protesting in the North have added political demands to environmental ones,
albeit in varying degrees.
Protesters in Arkhangelsk oblast
continue to march under the Russian flag, something which “looks strange given
that the trash whose arrival they oppose come precisely from the capital of Russia.
“But in the Komi Republic, the situation is different.” They not only use the official republic flag
but have come up with a Scandinavian-style one of their own.
According to Shtepa, “ecological
protests have come together with the struggle for the sovereignty of their
republic.” That struggle involves recovering control over the regional
authorities which are now appointed by Moscow rather than elected by the
people, Komi activist Nikolay Udoratin says.
But there are two aspects of the
Komi movement which may strike many familiar with the Estonian one as “paradoxical.”
On the one hand, the Komi movement is closely allied with local KPRF deputies
who stand against the center even though their party is aligned with the Kremlin
on most issues.
And on the other, as Udoratin points
out, “’the line of the front’” in Komi does not follow ethnic lines. The Komi aren’t cooperating with those who
are openly Russian nationalist and completely loyal to Moscow but they are with
ethnic Russians who also want to protect the land on which they live.
This second fact is less paradoxical
than it may appear at first glance. For much of the Estonian national movement –
and that of the Latvian and Lithuanian ones as well – a remarkable number of ethnic
Russians in those occupied countries supported the Baltic aspirations, even if
Moscow and Russian nationalists did not.
The Soviet government tried to
undercut that by organizing the so-called Interdvizheniya movements; but
those never had majority support among ethnic Russians in the Baltic republics,
evidence if evidence is needed that national movements at least at their
initial stages need not be as ethnically exclusive as many think or project
back on the past.
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