Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 20 – “The latest news
about 2024” – that is, about the possibility of continuity and succession in
Russia – “ever more clearly recalls the last years of the Soviet Union,” Andrey
Kolesnikov says, when everyone was talking about shifting power and maintaining
control. But now as then, this talk is sparking fears in the elites.
The Moscow Carnegie Center scholar
says that as a result, many of the proposals are more about preventing problems
than about solving them, something that may put off the day of reckoning but
does not mean it will not come (forbes.ru/obshchestvo/380097-elbasy-vseya-rusi-kto-stoit-za-novostyami-o-sohranenii-vlasti-putina-posle-2024).
“The nervousness of the elites is becoming
ever more obvious, Kolesnikov continues, especially because current economic
arrangements aren’t working and “in a state capitalist system, there are no
sources of development other than the government.” And that government is only able to take more
from the population and give to its immediate friends.
“On such a model,” the analyst suggests,
“you won’t go far, and from this arises the agitation of the financial and
economic elites.”
But they aren’t the only ones
agitated. The siloviki establishment is upset by the Kremlin’s decision to
punish it for its actions in the Golunov case, and the official party of power
knows that it has become toxic. Everyone in the political system is fleeing
from it as from “an island where leprosy has broken out.”
And in this situation, Kolesnikov
says, “everyone with hope is looking toward the Kremlin” but not getting any
signals about how things might change for the better. The tsar remains calm and
behaves as anything but “a lame duck,” however much some are ready to proclaim
him one.
Those at the top of the Russian
system want Putin to remain in power as do many “young (and comparatively young)
technocrats who have never had any other boss, and all these ‘leaders of Russia’
are focused exclusively on one leader,” an entirely normal pattern for
autocratic regimes whose leaders are aging and may leave the scene
unexpectedly.
“The elites have no basis – in any
case up to now – to suppose that Putin will leave,” the Moscow Carnegie Center
researcher says; and that in turn means
that “the preparation for elections or for something that will replace them
inevitably is beginning now five years before the transition year.”
Parliamentary elections are only two
years away, and they are taking place at a time when “the imitation party system
with its imitation opposition” that has existed since 2014 is “in fact
withering away” and that the regime is making no effort to create alternative
political parties in the way that it did in the past.
All this is focusing attention on
whether Russia will follow the Kazakhstan path in which the real leader will
not be the formal one or the Armenian one in which executive power will shift
from the president to the prime minister.
Both are problematic, but the second is potentially explosive in Russia,
the analyst suggests.
For Russia, he argues, “parliamentary
reform” – the Armenian variant – “makes sense only if some kind of variant with
the immediate departure [of the leader] or elections is in place on some kind
of extraordinary basis.” Otherwise it will spark protests and may fail utterly
to maintain continuity.
“But something must work,”
Kolesnikov says. Otherwise there is a risk as at the end of Soviet times, that
the entire house of cards could collapse. Thus, all the talk about “preventive
measures” rather than about “cures.”
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