Paul
Goble
Staunton, July 17 – A new report by
the Moscow Center for the Analysis and Prevention of Conflicts says that Moscow
missed the chance at the start of Vladimir Putin’s reign to develop a Russia in
which there would be both a strong center and strong regions. Now, as a result
of his policies, any chance for federalism in Russia is rapidly “fading away.”
The 124-page report, entitled Fading
Federalism: Tatarstan and Daghestan under Conditions of Continuing
Centralization, was prepared by Yekaterina Sokiryanskaya, the center’s
director, sociologist Yekaterina Khodzhayeva and Caucasus specialist Denis
Sokolov (cap-center.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/07/Угасающий-федерализм-Татарстан-и-Дагестан-в-условиях-продолжающейся-централизации.pdf).
After the disintegration of the
USSR, the authors say, Russia “accepted the federative form of administration,”
a reflection of the country’s enormous size, diverse populations, pre-existing
territorial divisions, and “what is the main thing, excessively strong centrifugal
forces and ethnic separatism at that moment.”
In the 1993 Constitution, the
country’s non-Russian republics “received state status with their own
constitutions, parliaments, president and supreme courts.” They could adapt legislation
and rule to the needs and demands of their own population. But such a system
required institutions and habits of mind Russia did not have.
Real federalism needs not only
institutional arrangements including an independent constitutional court and
real political competition but also the willingness to engage in and accept the
outcomes of often difficult negotiations among the components of the
system. This Russia lacked and lacks to
this day, the report says.
The authors conclude that “the
weakness of Russian federalism in the 1990s can be explained by the weakness of
the federal center.” The center clearly
required strengthening; and when Putin came to power committed to that, many
expected that Russia would finally be on the road to a system combining a strong
center with strong regions.
“But this chance was missed,” the
authors say. “Instead of the development of the federation, the leadership of the
country step by step deprived the regions of their former sovereignty having
formed a super-centralized system of administration.” And the situation became even worse when
Putin was elected to a third term.
From that time onward, they say, the
federal center has striven to unify the regions and reduce to as little as possible
the federal distinctiveness of the national republics. It has intensified its assimilatory
policies by dropping the requirement that residents of the republic study the
language of the titular nationality.
And the Kremlin centralized both the
financial system, ensuring that Moscow could control the amount of funds any
region had to spend, but the leadership system, making clear to heads of
republics that they would be removed if they stood up for their republics
against the center. (Chechnya is the only “exception of the rule.”)
The new study is especially useful
because it compares the way in which this evolution has proceeded in two
republics, Tatarstan which is a success story economically and Daghestan which
is one of the poorest and has required the most assistance from Moscow. That
these trends are true in both of them shows that they are the case for the
entire federal system.
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