Paul Goble
Staunton,
March 2 – Moscow has long dismissed the Idel-Ural movement as a figment of the
imagination of Western Russophobes or as a revenant of a Nazi effort during
World War II to set the peoples of the USSR against Moscow. But that stance is becoming ever more
difficult to sustain for two reasons.
On
the one hand, the Idel-Ural movement, which seeks to promote cooperation among
and independence for the Turkic and Finno-Ugric nations between the Volga River
and the Urals Mountains, is gaining ever more attention, at least in part
because Moscow’s efforts to stop it by repressing and exiling its activists
have backfired.
And
on the other hand, new research has shown that the image of the Idel-Ural
movement as Nazi hirelings or as an absurd plot of Western governments – the US
listed Idel-Ural among the Captive Nations in its 1959 Congressional resolution
– is ever less sustainable and that the Idel-Ural idea not only has deep roots
but growing support.
Not
only have Idel-Ural activists called on Turkey to intervene with Moscow on their
behalf (windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2019/02/free-idel-ural-movement-calls-on-turkey.html),
but they have formed common ground with the broader opposition to Russia’s
increasingly repressive laws on public expression.
Yesterday,
to that end as well as to call for the release of all political prisoners
Moscow now holds and to support their own program, the Free Ideal Ural Movement
organized pickets at Russian diplomatic posts in Great Britain, Ukraine,
Poland, Finland and the United States (idelreal.org/a/29799566.html).
In Kyiv, for example, they carried
banners declaring “The Kremlin kills native nations,” “Russia is a prison house
of peoples,” and “Freedom to the Peoples, Freedom to the Individual.” And in the languages of the peoples of Idel-Ural,
they called for the independence of each and all of them.
Syres Bolyaen, the organizer of the
Kyiv demonstration, says that “Moscow would be glad to deal with us as it did
with the Circassians and Chechens. But times are changing. Today, Russia isn’t
capable of such mass actions aimed at the destruction of indigenous peoples.”
And Putin has to be “satisfied” with stealing from the entire population,
limiting the sovereignty of the republics, and Russifying the non-Russians.
“The task of the indigenous peoples,”
he continues, “is to hold out until the moment when the snake bites its own tail and the empire self-destructs” (emphasis
supplied). Similar sentiments were expressed by Idel-Ural demonstrators in New
York, Helsinki, Warsaw, and London.
An equally important development
with regard to the growth of the Idel-Ural movement is new research that shows,
contrary to Soviet and Russian claims that are typically accepted without question
in the West, that people from the Middle Volga who were organized by the
Germans to fight against Moscow frequently worked against the Nazis.
Beginning in the mid-1950s, Soviet
propagandists built up the figure of Musa Dzhalil, a Tatar poet whom the Nazis
executed, as a hero of the resistance but used that trope to blacken the
reputation of the Idel-Ural Legion as a whole. Now, in the Middle Volga, new
studies conclude that he was hardly alone and not the most important of those from
Idel-Ural who opposed Hitler.
Some of that research is summarized
by Radio Svoboda journalist Dmitry Lyubimov in an extensive new article “The
Idel-Ural Legion: How Tatars Fought Against Hitler” (idelreal.org/a/29798389.html). Such corrections of the historical record
will make it easier for people in the region to identify with the Idel-Ural
idea.
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