Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 21 – Urbanization
in Daghestan and Kabardino-Balkaria has promoted Islamization because those
undergoing this process have come to view Islam as a substitute for the rural
communities they have lost and a defense against globalization, according to
Denis Sokolov of the RAMSCON Research Center.
This process has different meanings
for difference generations and for men and women, for their emigration from the
region and for the success of ISIS in the region , he details in his new
research on “Fear and Honor of the Family as Fear and Honor of Men” (kavpolit.com/articles/sotsialnaja_transformatsija_ot_selskoj_obschiny_k-35757/).
The
status of men and women change dramatically with the shift from rural
communities to cities, he says, with women gaining independence and status,
often becoming the breadwinners and intellectual leaders of families, and men
losing status, often without work and depending on their wives for income,
Sokolov reports.
Newly
urbanized men often turn to Islam in order to try to restore their dominance,
he continues, something that is often supported by older women (but not often
by younger ones) who come to view Islam as a substitute for the community norms
that have been undermined by modernization and globalization.
“In
the urban space,” he says, “Islam has become an instrument for the restoration
and strengthening of the power of men.” But at the same time, “in Islamic
families one sees the emancipation of women” as well, with shifting gender
roles toward greater equality and partnership even if both accept Islam.
A
case in point is polygamy. In Soviet times, the shortage of men after the war
made polygamy in the North Caucasus a logical necessity, Sokolov argues. Then
it came to be justified by Islam. The older generation viewed second wives as “lovers”
but the younger one wants to involve them in complete families.
The
first generation to grow up in urban areas is especially inclined to turn to
Islam for social regulation, he continues. “On the one hand, they do not want
to live according to the rules of rural communities. But on the other, the
global world frightens them and they are not prepared to live according to its
rules. Islam [thus] becomes the regulator.”
Sokolov
makes a variety of other points, three of which are especially intriguing.
First, he says, the lack of opportunity for upward mobility by new arrivals
from rural areas makes them a receptive audience for ISIS propagandists even if
these North Caucasians are not radicalized more generally.
Second,
those in the North Caucasus who were radicalized in the early 2000s often had
nowhere to go, a situation that led to a turning inward until they were able to
travel to Iraq or Syria but that did not end the influence of radicalizing
factors on younger generations in the North Caucasian cities.
And
third, “the several tens of thousands” of North Caucasians now in Turkey, a
flow that “has intensified since 2013” are not in the main on their way to
fighting for the Islamic State. Instead, Sokolov suggests, they have fled their
homeland because they do not feel secure on the territory of the Russian
Federation.
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