Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 8 – Often observers
look at the divisions among Circassians and even within the Circassian national
movement and conclude that they are no threat to anyone, Avraam Shmulyevich says.
But they forget that almost all national movements including the ones which
have become successful have begun with such problems.
But those more closely involved,
including in the first instance the government and special services of the
Russian Federation, the Israeli analyst says, are very much frightened by that
prospect and have deployed many forces to disorganize and suppress Circassian
activism wherever it manifests itself (afterempire.info/2017/09/07/circassian/).
“The Circassians,”
Shmulyevich continues, “are the only people for whom the Caucasus War has still
not ended, the only people who not only seriously suffered in the course of
this war but for whom the negative consequences of defeat are still important
and more than that catastrophic.”
Their “main problem is that 80
percent of the Circassians to this day are in exile and being subject to active
assimilation,” but in addition, those who remain in “their historical motherland,
the North Caucasus, “are divided among six administrative units” something that
represents a barrier to their coming together.
Moreover, “even in their own ‘national’
formations, the Circassians are deprived of the opportunity to freely develop
their culture and define by themselves the path of their national development.”
Moscow’s complaint that the Circassians talk “’too much’” about the past is
baseless given that Russian forces expelled “more than 95 percent” of them.
That action, along with the
murderous campaign and discrimination the Russian state imposed before and
after 1864, qualifies as a genocide.
That is how most international legal scholars view it, and it is so much
a part of the Circassian national identity that few Circassians feel the need
to articulate it on a regular basis, Shmulyevich says.
Moscow is not willing to discuss any
of this. Nor is it willing to allow Circassians from the Middle East to return
to the North Caucasus. The reason is simple, he says. “The arrival of tens and
then hundreds of thousands of citizens with experience in more democratic
states and having foreign citizenship and thus immunity … is a mortal threat to
the Putin order.”
But Moscow is not content just to
keep the Circassians from returning. Because of its fears, the Kremlin has
taken steps to completely control Circassian organizations inside the Russian
Federation, groups that “imitate activity and try to distract young people from
the main Circassian problem.” They have been
largely successful in “’setting the tone’” in these groups.
Today, however, Shmulyevich argues, “the
situation is changing; and the meaninglessness of these organization has become
evident to many Circassians. Circassian young people are coming to back the
idea of the need for the creation of an international organization based on the
principles of international law.”
The Israeli scholar says that in his
opinion, such an organization “will appear in the coming years.”
In addition, he points out, “the
Russian special services are devoting colossal efforts for the neutralization of
the Circassian question. But they are not all-powerful. Even the powerful
Soviet KGB was not in a position to control a multi-million-strong people; and
its successors are weaker by an order of magnitude.”
All these things mean, Shmulyevich
concludes, that Circassian problems are only going to intensify. As one Circassian activist told him, he
reports, “God alone knows how all this will end, but there isn’t going to be
any peace in the Caucasus.” And that is
something that many in Moscow already have many reasons to fear.
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