Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 13 – In response
to the closing of the Russian consulate in San Francisco and of two trade
representations in Washington and New York, Moscow officials and Russian
nationalists have called for closing the US consulate general in Yekaterinburg;
but those appeals are only the latest step in a longstanding Russian campaign
against that institution.
On the AfterEmpire portal today,
US-based Russian journalist surveys not only the latest attacks but their
history, a programmatic effort she argues is intended to make Russians
suspicious of all US diplomats and thus make it difficult if not impossible for
them to do their work (afterempire.info/2017/09/13/consulate/).
The US consulate general in
Yekaterinburg, which services 11 subjects of the Russian Federation, has been
in operation since 1994. Over that 23-year period but especially in the last
three years, it has been “the object of the harshest attacks by local ‘bloggers
in civilian clothes,’ the media, and all kinds of ‘patriotic organizations.”
The latest and one of the nastiest attacks,
by the Russian Anti-Maidan group last week (antimaydan.info/2017/09/otvetom_na_gop_stop_gosdepa_dolzhno_stat_zakrytie_genkonsulstva_ssha_v.html),
has attracted some attention because of the diplomatic tit-for-tat between
Moscow and Washington, Kirillova says. But the start of this “sad tradition”
really dates to October 2014.
At that time, the Russian media
attacked the consulate for supposedly seeking to recruit and direct local
environmental activists against the authorities when the US vice consul offered
to help one of their number get medical treatment abroad (pravdaurfo.ru/articles/gosdep-ssha-v-ekaterinburge-vskryli-iznutri).
In the months since then, the local
media has featured stories about many meetings between consulate officials and
local people, typically with suggestions that the former are trying to recruit
the latter to work against Russia (e.g., .nakanune.ru/news/2015/10/2/22416326
and nakanune.ru/news/2014/7/4/22359426/).
The quality of almost all of these
stories, Kirillova continues, is
suggested by one that claimed a meeting between the US consul and the mayor of
Yekaterinburg was intended to draw the latter into “an espionage network” (politrussia.com/control/ekaterinburg-torzhestvennyy-priem-996/).
Such attacks have only intensified
whenever there are American visitors from Washington or from the US embassy in
Moscow as in December 2015 when two senior US diplomats arrived to meet with
Yekaterinburg and regional businessmen, a core part of the consulate’s entirely
legal responsibilities (nakanune.ru/news/2015/10/23/22418486).
More media attacks on the consulate
as a source of anti-Russian ideas have followed, Kirillova reports (zergulio.livejournal.com/3384631.html,
zergulio.livejournal.com/3430628.html,
66.ru/news/politic/181972/ and
zergulio.livejournal.com/4104696.html),
including some that include information that would not have been publicly
available to journalists.
The Russian journalist concludes her
article with some examples of the ways in which Russian consular officials have
behaved in the US, ways very different from the ones US consular officials have
in Russia but quite similar to the kind that Russian media attack the American
diplomats for.
About six months ago, she notes, Moscow’s Kommersant newspaper reported that
Russian diplomats had called on Russian emigres in the US to oppose Washington policies
(kommersant.ru/doc/3083317), an appeal that
was followed by the documentation of Russian efforts to organize militarized
camps for the children of emigres in the US (on that, see windowoneurasia2.blogspot.com/2017/08/moscow-diplomats-said-behind-formation.html).
Whether Moscow will close the
Yekaterinburg consulate remains unclear at present, Kirillova says, although it is obvious that the Russian foreign
ministry doesn’t understand the differences between Russian and US diplomats
and simply projects what the former do on the latter (mid.ru/ru/foreign_policy/news/-/asset_publisher/cKNonkJE02Bw/content/id/2855818).
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