Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 28 – Each day
brings fresh evidence that Russians both individually and collectively are
taking matters into their own hands and using violence against those they
disagree with, a trend that reflects the government’s loss of a monopoly on the
use of force and has sparked “a hybrid civil war” within Russia, according to
the editors of Gazeta.
Some groups threaten to use violence
if a film is shown and others if it isn’t, elections in local councils are
generating news like that from a military front, and this public violence is
echoed at the personal level where clashes between individuals and within
families is becoming ever more severe, the paper says (gazeta.ru/comments/2017/09/21_e_10900730.shtml).
“It appears,” the
paper continues, “that the government has released the genie of force from the
bottle and now doesn’t know how to put it back in --- or what would be still worse,
doesn’t intend to do that, having concluded that it is easier to run the
country at this point if it fails to do so.”
The government’s uncertainty about
what to do was very much on public view this past week. First, the authorities
detained Aleksandr Kalinin, the head of the Christian State – Holy Rus’
organization; then they let him go; and then they arrested him again,
apparently because Moscow hasn’t sent a clear signal on how to deal with “’Orthodox
fundamentalists.’”
Given that one of Kalinin’s
followers has admitted organizing attacks on theaters showing Mathilda, the
authorities’ course should be clear. “But to predict confidently what will
happen with these ‘Orthodox activists’ under current Russian conditions, is
difficult,” especially as passions around the film about the last tsar and the ballerina
continue to run high.
And even if they cool, the paper’s
editors say, there is another fight on the horizon,m, over the Franco-British
satire, “The Death of Stalin.” One can
be certain that Russian believers in the holiness of “’the leader of all
peoples’” will feel themselves offended by its treatment of the dictator.
If they are, then soon “through Russian
cities will march not only protesting columns of believers who have been
offended but also columns of Stalinists who have been offended as well.” And
they will be followed by those offended by the treatment of Ivan the Terrible
or Kalashnikov or someone else.
Such a scene would have seemed “phantasmagoric”
only yesterday, but now “it is a completely real pattern of the development of
events,” with both “’patriotic’ and ‘Orthodox’ fundamentalists” on the march
and ready to use violence against those whom they see in opposition to their
views.
“’A hybrid war’ cannot remain only a
foreign one,” the editors say. “It cannot go on exclusively in Ukraine or in
Syria. Such a war inevitably breaks through the borders and seeps into the
country.” All recent events since the murder of Boris
Nemtsov show that “’a hybrid war’ is inside Russia,” dividing the country even
as the Kremlin demands unqualified loyalty.
“Will the government be able to
restrain and stop this ‘hybrid war,’ which it in large measure is responsible
for starting?” the Gazeta editors asks. “That depends on when it sends the
command ‘stop.’” But so far, it hasn’t
done so; and at some point, even if it makes that demand, no one will pay it
any heed.
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