Paul Goble
Staunton, September 26 – Twenty-seven
years ago this week, the “first and last” Soviet congress of delegates of both national-territorial
formations and of peoples without their own statehood took place in Moscow, a
meeting now recalled if at all as part of Mikhail Gorbachev’s effort to
mobilize smaller non-Russian peoples against those having union republics.
As
one of its participants, Vakhtang Ketsba, recalls, “the [two-day] congress took
place in the building of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet. In its work,
took part 106 delegates, of whom 72 were deputies of soviets of various levels,
who represented 34 autonomous formations and 106 social movements” (ekhokavkaza.com/a/28756545.html).
Gorbachev was represented by Rafik
Shinaov, the chairman of the Supreme Soviet’s Council of Nationalities; and the
meeting thus “took place with the obvious blessing and even support of the
central party-soviet organs,” something Ketsba says appeared “quite unexpected”
given Moscow’s opposition to demands for territorial units from nations without
them.
Indeed, that is the key point. Throughout
Soviet history with the exception of this meeting, Moscow has divided nations
into two categories, those with recognized political territories and those
without, and in almost every case has treated the former far better than it has
treated the latter. That is a tradition the Russian Federation has followed
since that time.
Gorbachev in his desperation and confusion
was prepared to overlook this distinction, to bring together not just
representatives of those nations and nationalities which formally had their own
statehood in the form of union or autonomous republics but also those of
peoples without such recognition.
And today at a time when the non-Russian
republics are again under threat from Moscow, this raises the question: what
can nations without officially recognized territories inside the borders of the
Russian Federation do? The answer may be to consider the September 22-23, 1991,
meeting and work to form a kind of committee of correspondence among
themselves.
On the on hand, there is a danger that
some in the Putin regime will try to coopt any such group if it cannot prevent
it – and in the age of social media its ability to do the latter is probably much
less than many think – and use it as the basis for launching an even broader
attack on the autonomous state formations within the Russian Federation.
But on the other hand, there are some real
possibilities for improving the lives of the more than 180 peoples of the
Russian Federation that do not have their own state territories either by
drawing up additional programs like the special subsidies handed out to the
numerically small peoples of the North or by coming up with new extra-territorial
ideas.
At least some of these nations may
ultimately decide to pursue a territorial solution to their problems, seeking
official government statehood, like some of the peoples without such territories
did in the years after the 1990 meeting.
In any case, it is time to rescue that meeting from neglect and focus on
what such peoples might do, drawing from its lessons.
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