Paul
Goble
Staunton, September 6 – Vladimir Putin
this year has sprinkled his public remarks with observations that have an
erotic and sexual subtext, something that has prompted Moscow’s New Times
magazine to ask Aleksandr Kantor, a Russian psycho-analyst, for his
interpretation of what Putin’s comments mean (newtimes.ru/articles/detail/119158).
According to Kantor, “Putin is
speaking above all with his electorate, with Russia as he understands it,” a
Russia only recently urbanized whose rural roots mean that sexual potency is taken
as a measure of power more generally and a Russia where “tens of millions” have
had experience with the camps and prisons where issues are often discussed in
sexual terms.
By making remarks with an erotic subtext,
the psychoanalyst continues, Putin is “appealing to the fundamental motives of
human existence,” in this case to what many call “the crocodile complex” in
which the individual involved is concerned only about controlling his own
territory and ensuring that no one can challenge him for food.
Translated into the political realm,
Kantor says, this means “control over territory and over human resources.” He adds that “sexual references in general
are characteristic of struggle and competition,” and they thus reflect Putin’s
own early life about which he says he had to struggle in the streets of St.
Petersburg and even his aspirations to
power in politics.
Thus, Putin’s remarks of this kind
both reflect his personal experience and character, his role in the political
realm, and his view that Russia is increasingly archaic in its values. After all, the psychiatrist says, “sexuality
is political and politics is sexual. Sexual in the sense that it is directed at
certain fundamental motives of power and subordination.”
Sexual references in this case not
only do not embarrass anyone “but on the contrary, they inspire … because they
confirm those qualities which people expect from a Savior and an Ideal Man –
force of will, potency, brvery and so one, that is, qualities which really can
save someone.”
A cultural anthropologist, Kantor
continues, “could compare our president with a shaman, capable of travelling in
three worlds: the heavenly, the earthly, and the underground.” A savior “can
only be a mythological person,” someone who like Putin “calmly deals with strong
beasts, tigers, and leopards” thus underscoring his potency.
For the Russian people, he says, no
explanations are necessary: Putin shows by doing, and “in this by the way is
the key distinction of mythology from myth: mythology is an explanation and an
interpretation but myth is always an action, a living example which doesn’t
have to operate according to logic.”
In this case, Kantor explains, “the
accent is not on the verbal but on the visual, on a certain action it which his
force and power must be seen … The father of the people msut show his magic
strength.” If he does and he succeeds, then people will make him a leader; if
he does and fails, “they will kill him.”
Of course, Putin in reality “works
in all possible registers of power, charismatic, rational and traditional
(given his having been in office a long time after being appointed to it). That last is critical because it suggests
that what already was will continue or at least will not be worse than it was
before.
Kantor concludes his comments with the
following observation: One Putin “innovation,” he says, is that “while
preserving the customary [for Russia] style of an authoritarian leader, he in
particular has avoided the anti-Semitic rhetoric that is so popular among the people
and is characteristic for many leaders” in Russia.
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